Documents linking Iran to nuclear weapons push may have been fabricated
This we've knows for some time now but it's nice to see the
IAEA acknowledge it.
Now World War Three could be stopped in the nice christian nations
of israel and america would acknowledge it as well.
Oh Hum I guess we just look forward to war then.
Neal
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Documents linking Iran to nuclear weapons push may have been
fabricated
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has obtained
evidence suggesting that documents which have been
described as technical studies for a secret Iranian nuclear weapons-related
research program may have been fabricated.
The documents in question were acquired by U.S. intelligence
in 2004 from a still unknown source -- most of them in the form
of electronic files allegedly stolen from a laptop computer belonging
to an Iranian researcher. The US has based much of its
push for sanctions against Iran on these documents.
The new evidence of possible fraud has increased pressure within
the IAEA secretariat to distance the agency from the laptop
documents, according to a Vienna-based diplomatic source close
to the IAEA.
The laptop documents include what the IAEA has described in
a published report as technical drawings of efforts to redesign
the nosecone of the Iranian Shahab-3 ballistic missile to
accommodate a nuclear warhead. The documents are also said
to
include studies on the use of a high explosive detonation system,
drawings of a shaft apparently to be used for nuclear tests,
and studies on a bench-scale uranium conversion facility.
These technical papers, along with some correspondence related
to the alleged secret Iranian program -- referred to by the
IAEA as alleged studies -- have been the primary basis
during 2008 for the insistence by the US-led international coalition
pushing for sanctions against Iran that the Iranian case must
be kept going in the United Nations Security Council.
Handwritten Notes
At the center of the internal IAEA struggle is an Iranian firm
named Kimia Maadan, which is portrayed in the documents as
responsible for studies on a uranium conversion facility, called
the green salt project, as part of the alleged nuclear
weapons
program under the Iranian Ministry of Defense.
According to a February 2006 Washington Post article, the United
States and its allies believe that Kimia Maadan is a front
for the Iranian military.
One of the communications included in the laptop documents
a letter allegedly sent to Kimia Maadan from an unnamed
Iranian engineering firm in May 2003 is at the center of
the authenticity argument.
This letter is described in the May 26, 2008 IAEA report as
a one page annotated letter of May 2003 in Farsi.
According
to a US source who has been briefed on the matter, the letter
has handwritten notes on it which refer to studies on the
redesign of a missile reentry vehicle.
Last January, however, Iran turned over to the IAEA a copy
of the same May 2003 letter with no handwritten notes on it.
This was confirmed by the director of the IAEA Safeguards Department,
Olli Heinonen, during a February briefing for
member states. Heinonen referred to correspondence
related to Kimia Maadan that is identical to that provided
by Iran,
with the addition of handwritten notes.
Notes on the Heinonen briefing, compiled by unnamed diplomats
who attended it, were posted on the website of the
Washington-based Institute for Science and International Security.
The copy of the letter without the handwritten notes was part
of a larger collection of documentation concerning Kimia
Maadan provided to IAEA by Iran in response to a request for an
explanation of that firms role in the management of the
Iranian Gchine uranium mine.
After the IAEA received the copy of the letter without notes
from Iran, some officials began pushing for an acknowledgment
by the Agency that there were serious questions about the whether
the laptop documents were fabricated, according to the
Vienna-based source close to the IAEA.
There was an effort to point out that the Agency isnt in a position to authenticate the documents, said the source.
Heinonen and other IAEA Safeguards Department officials have
continued, however, to defend the credibility of the
document in question.
According to an American source briefed on the dispute, the
defenders of the authenticity of the version of the letter with
the
handwritten notes say that the appearance of the clean copy can
be attributed to Kimia Maadan making multiple copies of the
original which have been circulated to various staff members.
Only an Ore-processing Plant
Further evidence damaging to the credibility of the letter and
the handwritten notes was provided to the atomic energy
watchdog last January by the Iranian government. According to
Iran, Kimia Maadan was not working for the Defense
Ministry but for the civilian Atomic Energy Organization of Iran
(AEOI).
The new Iranian documentation, described in the February 22,
2008 IAEA report, proved to IAEAs satisfaction that the
Kimia Maadan Company had been created in May 2000 solely to carry
out a project to design, procure and install equipment
for an ore processing plant.
The documents also showed that the core staff of Kimia Maadan
was able to undertake the work on ore processing only
because the nuclear agency had provided it with the technical
drawings and reports as the basis for the contract.
Information and explanations provided by Iran were supported
by the documentation, the content of which is consistent with
the information already available to the agency, the IAEA
concluded.
Marie Harff, a spokesperson for the CIA, declined to comment.
Additional Doubts About the Letter
Other questions surround the letter with the handwritten notes.
The subject of the letter was Kimia Maadan's inquiry to the
engineering firm about procurement of a programmable logic control
(PLC) system, according to the IAEA's May 26 report.
A PLC system is one of many types of technology that the United
States has long sought to deny to the Atomic Energy
Organization of Iran. Iran had informed the IAEA even before 2006
that Kimia Maadan had assisted the AEOI in getting
around that denial strategy by procuring various technologies
for the planned uranium conversion facility at Esfahan.
Given that Kimia Maadans role in procurement for the
conversion facility was both unrelated to its technical work for
the
AEOI and part of a covert effort to get around U.S. restrictions,
it seems unlikely that they would have made multiple copies
of the letter. Even if multiple copies were made, the firm would
certainly have taken normal security precautions for a
document of that type, marking each copy with a number or name.
A security procedure of that kind would have identified any
missing copies. However, this was not the case with the 2003
letter. The United States, as its reason for refusing to provide
a copy of the document to Iran, has argued that it would allow
Iranian security personnel to identify the person who wrote the
notes from their handwriting, according to the US source who
has been briefed on the matter.
Another problem with the handwritten letter is the absence
of any logical link between the subject of the letter and the
alleged
work on redesign of the missile. PLC systems, which are used for
automation of industrial processes, such as control of
machinery on factory assembly lines, would have been irrelevant
to the technical studies on redesigning the Shahab-3 missile.
Other Documents Also Under Suspicion
Other documents from the laptop collection, allegedly showing
that Kimia Maadan was working closely with the team trying
to redesigning the Shahab-3 missile, have also come under suspicion
of fraud.
The IAEAs May 2008 report describes a flowsheet under
Kimia Maadans name, showing a process for bench scale
conversion of uranium oxide to UF4 (uranium tetraflouride),
also known as green salt. The project number shown
in the
disputed documents for the green salt subproject is
5.13.
However, Heinonen stated that the number given to the Gchine
subproject was 5.15. According to the documents obtained
by the IAEA from Iran last January, this was the number of the
uranium ore processing project that was assigned in 1999 by
the civilian AEOI, not by the Iranian Defense Ministry. This would
mean that the author of the document used the project
number 5.13 for the green salt subproject based on
their knowledge of the AEOI numbering system and not on a military
designation.
In his February 25 briefing, Heinonen additionally referred
to an alleged letter sent by Kimia Maadan as manager of
three
subprojects to the missile re-entry vehicle
project, asking for a technical opinion on the plans
for equipment for a
proposed green salt conversion facility.
However, it is difficult to understand why the team working
on redesigning the missile would be asked for a technical
opinion on equipment for a uranium conversion facility.
A spokesperson for the State Departments Office of Arms
Control and International Security, which is responsible for IAEA
affairs, said in an e-mail that specialists in the office arent
able to comment on the subject of the intelligence documents
now
being considered by the IAEA.
The IAEA also declined to comment.
Toward a Showdown on the Contradictions
As the contradictions between the new Iranian evidence and the
laptop documents relating to Kimia Maadan became
apparent, some IAEA officials argued that the Agency should distance
itself from what they now suspect are forgeries.
Despite that argument, the May 2008 report contained no reference
to the issue.
The next IAEA report, due out in mid-November, will include
the first response by the Agency to a confidential 117-page
Iranian critique of the laptop documents, according to the Vienna-based
source.
In the past, IAEA Director General Mohamed ElBaradei has shown
an ability to face off with the United States when
evidence has been called into doubt. The infamous Niger
forgeries documents that purported to show an agreement
between Niger and Iraq for the purchase of uranium oxide
were used by the White House as part of its case for war against
Iraq.
In response, ElBaradei sent a letter to the White House and
the National Security Council in December 2002, over three
months before the US launched the Iraq War, warning that he believed
the documents were forgeries and should not be cited
as evidence of Iraqi intention to obtain nuclear weapons.
When ElBaradei received no response from the Bush administration,
he went public to debunk the Niger forgeries. In a
speech at the United Nations in March 2003, he declared that the
IAEA, after thorough analysis, had concluded that
the
documents alleging the purchase of uranium by Iraqi from Niger
are in fact not authentic.
The anomalies that have been revealed by the Iranian documents
obtained from Iran last January may not be as obvious as the
ones that made it clear the Niger documents were fabrications.
Nevertheless, they appear to be red flags for IAEA analysts
concerned with the issue.
Suspicion has surrounded the alleged studies documents
from the beginning, because the United States has refused to say
who brought the collection to US intelligence four years ago.
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